Relationship Between Identity and Employment

Relationship Between Identity and Employment How important is the relationship between a person’s occupation and his or her identity? Within human social contact, many of the interactions we have presume a link between paid occupation and identity. Such a presumption extends not only to the identity of the individual in question but also to the notion of a collective identity: an identity shared by the individual and his or her co-workers. The income generated from our work and the way in which we distribute it – the lifestyle it affords us – all help to shape our identity. However, there are other things which influence our identity; work being only one of them, and so establishing a causal link between occupation and identity can sometimes be difficult. When thinking about our identity within the economic framework of employment we must also consider the notion of representation: our feelings about our occupation and the money and lifestyle it affords us are shaped by the way others see us, and what they have.[1] Our identity is an encompassing concept that influences and is influenced by our relationships with other people. This logic dictates that our identities must be closely tied, in some way, to what we do, and how we interpret what we do in the context of our relationships. There is a close connection between doing and identity and the use of language in the creation of meaning and understanding of this[2]. Piaget[3] and Kagan[4] illustrate how children learn about the world through doing; how the realisation that we can act upon the environment contributes to our sense of self, and the realisation that we are separate from our environment. Children, therefore, come to realise that their actions have social meaning and that their approval as individuals is in direct correlation to what they do: we begin to learn about ourselves as individuals and as members of social groups. As we develop our identity is shaped by our competencies, especially in comparison with others, as well as our s ocial standing and the expectations placed upon us[5]. As adults, our identity becomes goal-oriented and this is largely influenced by society[6]. Occupation is a goal-oriented life activity. Goals are motivators because we view them in terms of the effect of goals met or unmet. Working late, volunteering, taking on extra responsibility allows us the opportunity to imagine praise, promotion, recognition because of our virtue. This imagining shapes our views of our future self and motivates us to further goal-directed action. Motivating images are often called possible selves[7] and they represent what we like might like to become or are afraid of becoming. Possible selves are useful for providing the catalyst to transfer thought to action and as we shape our own identity in a positive manner, our satisfaction increases. Our occupation is the vehicle through which we can develop and express our identities and in order for us to do so within our occupations we must demonstrate to others that we are competent to gain approval and avoid rejection. If we are competent it suggests that we are able to deal effectively with challenges that come our way; the more successful we are at dealing with challenges, the higher our self-confidence. Self-confidence highlights a clear link between our identity and a belief in the things that we are able to do. If our identities are crafted by our occupation and the way in which we perform within that sphere, then a threat to our ability to engage in an occupation becomes almost a threat to our identity. Disabilities often threaten the establishment of an identity based on competence.[8] Redundancy, for example, or unemployment can erode the shared experience of the labour process which can act as the basis for group identity[9] as well as the benchmark that enable us to sustain and articulate our individual identity.[10] For men, unemployment or redundancy can undermine their masculine identity as the traditional male-breadwinner and relegate them to the private rather than the public sphere, and for those used to employment, a lack of occupation can lead to identities becoming more privatised.[11] Turnbull argues that an occupational based identity may offer the individual the highest status and most positive self-image available to them.[12] In this way, those without an occupation, or w hose occupation affords them only the most basic living have identities defined by the notion of falling into a particular class, e.g. working class – here an identity is defined by subsistence. Poverty becomes a marker of status and position and can almost be a deprivation of identity. It is clear that an occupation is central to a sense of who we are and our worth which in turn influences how others see us and how we see other people, and since we spend most of our lives working this provides us with a sense of coherence which helps plays an important role in the shaping of both our individual and collective identity. It is important to note though, that occupation is only one factor amongst many which impacts upon our identity and its relative importance must be viewed alongside that of other social factors. In what ways do social factors shape our identities? It is true to suggest that our identity is made up of individual traits and interpersonal relationships as well as ideas and beliefs we derive from belonging to different groups. Every one of us has a number of different identities open to us and these identities tell us who we are and what each particular identity might involve. Social contexts will generally indicate which identity is most pertinent at any given time. Tajfel argues that there are times when our ‘group’ identity or social identity is more important to us than our personal identity and this decision is particularly dependent upon social factors.[13] Categorisation shapes our identities – when we categorise someone or something we do so in an attempt to understand them and their social environment. So labelling someone as a Muslim, or a Jew, or a football fan or black or white, unemployed or employed allows us to define the kinds of behaviour that are appropriate or even expected of that category. There are a number of different categories which bring with them their own factors which help to shape our identity and the behaviour that is expected of individuals who fall within a particular category. Perhaps some of the most obvious categories are those of race, gender, nationalism and class. When we talk about categorisation by gender, for example, it is often assumed that the role of an individual is defined by their genitalia and that there are social roles for males and social roles for females. This categorisation can be something against which individuals may rebel, but this can also be a group to which they belong tha t brings with it negative aspects, too. For example, a sub-category for women is often that of the victim; such groupings can have a substantial impact upon the identity of the individual. In everyday speech, we often use the word race to denote a group of individuals who have a particular way of talking about themselves and others – and again we often expect of these people particular types of behaviour, some of which can reinforce stereotypes and contribute to prejudice: social factors which can all affect the identity both of the individual themselves and the identity of the group itself.[14] We identify with groups we perceive that we belong to. This has two ramifications: part of what make me ‘me’ is my membership of a particular group, so sometimes there are in-groups and sometimes out-groups (us vs. them) but my identity is also shaped by the fact that I am truly a unique individual. My membership of a particular category or group is just as real to me as the fact that I know that I am unique. A further ramification of this concept is the notion that despite the fact that I am unique, my group self also makes me the same as others within my group. There will be some occasions when I will treat members of my group as being the same as me in some important and pertinent way. For example, I may believe that although I am different to the members of my group, in that I am ‘me’, I am also the same in that I believe that my nation is superior and more deserving of respect than yours (nationalism). Within individual groups Tajfel argues that group members compare themselves with each other, because this comparison allows them to define their group as positive (or negative) and therefore by default, see themselves in a positive (or negative) light. People are generally motivated to see their group as better than other similar groups, but often groups might try to belittle differences between groups in order to be able to view their own group favourably. For example, people from developing countries might regards their country as inferior technologically or economically but might believe that they live a morally much superior way of life. [15] Social factors, therefore, shape our identity in a variety of ways: they influence the way we view ourselves and others, the people we feel that we belong to and identify with, the behaviour we feel is expected of us, and of others and the worth we attribute to other individuals and groups, as well as to ourselves and the groups we feel we belong to. Bibliography Christiansen, C H. Defining Lives: Occupation as Identity: An Essay on Competence, Coherence and the Creation of Meaning. American Journal of Occupational Therapy. 1999 Cooley, C.H. Human nature and the social order. New York. Scribner. 1902 Kagan, J. The Second Year: the emergence of self-awareness. Cambridge, MA. HUP. 1981 MacKenzie, R. Stuart, M. Forde, C. Greenwood, E. Perrett, R. Gardiner, J. All that is Solid? Class Identity and the Maintenance of a Collective Orientation amongst Redundant Steel Workers. Sociology 2006. Piaget. J. The construction of reality in the child. 1954. Basic. New York. Ruble, D. Social Cognition and Social Behaviour: developmental perspectives. New York. CUP. 1983 Tajfel, H. Social identity and intergroup behavior. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. 1982 Vygotsky, LS. The instrumental method in Psychology. P134-143. 1981. Woodward, K. ed. An introduction to the Social Sciences: Understanding Social Change: questioning identity: gender, class, nation. Routledge. London. 2002 1 Footnotes [1] Woodward, K. ed. An introduction to the Social Sciences: Understanding Social Change: questioning identity: gender, class, nation. Routledge. London. 2002 [2] Vygotsky, LS. The instrumental method in Psychology. P134-143. 1981. [3] Piaget. J. The construction of reality in the child. 1954. Basic. New York. [4] Kagan, J. The Second Year: the emergence of self-awareness. Cambridge, MA. HUP. 1981 [5] Ruble, D. Social Cognition and Social Behaviour: developmental perspectives. New York. CUP. 1983 [6] Cooley, C.H. Human nature and the social order. New York. Scribner. 1902 [7] Christiansen, C H. Defining Lives: Occupation as Identity: An Essay on Competence, Coherence and the Creation of Meaning. American Journal of Occupational Therapy. 1999 [8] Ibid. [9] MacKenzie, R. Stuart, M. Forde, C. Greenwood, E. Perrett, R. Gardiner, J. All that is Solid? Class Identity and the Maintenance of a Collective Orientation amongst Redundant Steel Workers. Sociology 2006. [10] Ibid. [11] Ibid. [12] Ibid. [13] Tajfel, H. Social identity and intergroup behavior. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. 1982 [14] Woodward, K. ed. An introduction to the Social Sciences: Understanding Social Change: questioning identity: gender, class, nation. Routledge. London. 2002. [15] Tajfel, H. Social identity and intergroup behavior. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. 1982

Critique Of Vote.Com By Dick Morris :: essays research papers

Critique of Vote.Com By Dick Morris   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Being required to read books is not always something you look forward to in a class. Actually it’s probably one the worst things you dread. Especially this assignment, I was honestly not looking forward to anything about this book when I was preparing to read it. And though the premise of the book is actually very relevant in today’s day in age, I still felt like the information just could not be that important to me personally. Even after reading the introduction I could not have been less interested in the book than before I began reading it. But then as I began to get into the meat of the book I found myself beginning to see how this book was about me. It is about the generation in which I was born and a generation in which the Internet will forever change.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the following paragraphs I would like to share my thoughts about particular chapters in the book in which I found the most and least intriguing. While reading the book I did find many points on which I found myself agreeing with, but I also did come to statements that were not so easy to support. And these points will be the focus of my paper.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The first chapter that I really found myself getting into and finding myself in total agreement with was chapter seven, â€Å"Campaigning To Win The Fifth Estate†. Morris’s basis for this chapter, and reasoning behind it is right on target. As our world evolves, so does the means of communication. As a faster more technically advanced Internet replaces television, people that have relied on television as their main means of communication will be rudely awakened to find they have much to learn about â€Å"Internet campaigning†. The first section speaks about the way in which internet campaigning will be completely different from traditional campaigning because it is entirely voluntary. Instead of politicians counting on the fact that we will be sitting in front of the television every night, they will have to design political messages that actually contain intelligent political thought. The way we have been spoon feed campaign messages through television commercials will no longer be a choice. No, we will now have the choice to find which information we want to read and which we choose not to. A whole new way to campaign will have to be brought into use.

Deception Point Page 47

Arriving now at the doorway of the Communications Office, Tench felt alive with the thrill of the fight. Politics was war. She took a deep breath and checked her watch. 6:15 P.M. The first shot was about to be fired. She entered. The Communications Office was small not for lack of room, but for lack of necessity. It was one of the most efficient mass communications stations in the world and employed a staff of only five people. At the moment, all five employees stood over their banks of electronic gear looking like swimmers poised for the starting gun. They are ready, Tench saw in their eager gazes. It always amazed her that this tiny office, given only two hours head start, could contact more than one third of the world's civilized population. With electronic connections to literally tens of thousands of global news sources-from the largest television conglomerates to the smallest hometown newspapers-the White House Communications Office could, at the touch of a few buttons, reach out and touch the world. Fax-broadcast computers churned press releases into the in-boxes of radio, television, print, and Internet media outlets from Maine to Moscow. Bulk e-mail programs blanketed on-line news wires. Telephone autodialers phoned thousands of media content managers and played recorded voice announcements. A breaking news Web page provided constant updates and preformatted content. The â€Å"live-feed-capable† news sources-CNN, NBC, ABC, CBS, foreign syndicates-would be assaulted from all angles and promised free, live television feeds. Whatever else these networks were airing would come to a screeching halt for an emergency presidential address. Full penetration. Like a general inspecting her troops, Tench strode in silence over to the copy desk and picked up the printout of the â€Å"flash release† that now sat loaded in all the transmission machines like cartridges in a shotgun. When Tench read it, she had to laugh quietly to herself. By usual standards, the release loaded for broadcast was heavy-handed-more of an advertisement than an announcement-but the President had ordered the Communications Office to pull out all the stops. And that they had. This text was perfect-keyword-rich and content light. A deadly combination. Even the news wires that used automated â€Å"keyword-sniffer† programs to sort their incoming mail would see multiple flags on this one: From: White House Communications Office Subject: Urgent Presidential Address The President of the United States will be holding an urgent press conference tonight at 8:00 p.m. Eastern Standard Time from the White House briefing room. The topic of his announcement is currently classified. Live A/V feeds will be available via customary outlets. Laying the paper back down on the desk, Marjorie Tench looked around the Communications Office and gave the staff an impressed nod. They looked eager. Lighting a cigarette, she puffed a moment, letting the anticipation build. Finally, she grinned. â€Å"Ladies and gentlemen. Start your engines.† 53 All logical reasoning had evaporated from Rachel Sexton's mind. She held no thoughts for the meteorite, the mysterious GPR printout in her pocket, Ming, the horrific attack on the ice sheet. There was one matter at hand. Survival. The ice skimmed by in a blur beneath her like an endless, sleek highway. Whether her body was numb with fear or simply cocooned by her protective suit, Rachel did not know, but she felt no pain. She felt nothing. Yet. Lying on her side, attached to Tolland at the waist, Rachel lay face-to-face with him in an awkward embrace. Somewhere ahead of them, the balloon billowed, fat with wind, like a parachute on the back of a dragster. Corky trailed behind, swerving wildly like a tractor trailer out of control. The flare marking the spot where they had been attacked had all but disappeared in the distance. The hissing of their nylon Mark IX suits on the ice grew higher and higher in pitch as they continued to accelerate. She had no idea how fast they were going now, but the wind was at least sixty miles an hour, and the frictionless runway beneath them seemed to be racing by faster and faster with every passing second. The impervious Mylar balloon apparently had no intentions of tearing or relinquishing its hold. We need to release, she thought. They were racing away from one deadly force-directly toward another. The ocean is probably less than a mile ahead now! The thought of icy water brought back terrifying memories. The wind gusted harder, and their speed increased. Somewhere behind them Corky let out a scream of terror. At this speed, Rachel knew they had only a few minutes before they were dragged out over the cliff into the frigid ocean. Tolland was apparently having similar thoughts because he was now fighting with the payload clasp attached to their bodies. â€Å"I can't unhook us!† he yelled. â€Å"There's too much tension!† Rachel hoped a momentary lull in the wind might give Tolland some slack, but the katabatic pulled on with relentless uniformity. Trying to help, Rachel twisted her body and rammed the toe cleat of one of her crampons into the ice, sending a rooster tail of ice shards into the air. Their velocity slowed ever so slightly. â€Å"Now!† she yelled, lifting her foot. For an instant the payload line on the balloon slackened slightly. Tolland yanked down, trying to take advantage of the loose line to maneuver the payload clip out of their carabiners. Not even close. â€Å"Again!† he yelled. This time they both twisted against one another and rammed their toe prongs into the ice, sending a double plume of ice into the air. This slowed the contraption more perceptibly. â€Å"Now!† On Tolland's cue, they both let up. As the balloon surged forward again, Tolland rammed his thumb into the carabiner latch and twisted the hook, trying to release the clasp. Although closer this time, he still needed more slack. The carabiners, Norah had bragged, were first-rate, Joker safety clips, specifically crafted with an extra loop in the metal so they would never release if there were any tension on them at all. Killed by safety clips, Rachel thought, not finding the irony the least bit amusing. â€Å"One more time!† Tolland yelled. Mustering all her energy and hope, Rachel twisted as far as she could and rammed both of her toes into the ice. Arching her back, she tried to lift all her weight onto her toes. Tolland followed her lead until they were both angled roughly on their stomachs, the connection at their belt straining their harnesses. Tolland rammed his toes down and Rachel arched farther. The vibrations sent shock waves up her legs. She felt like her ankles were going to break. â€Å"Hold it†¦ hold it†¦ † Tolland contorted himself to release the Joker clip as their speed decreased. â€Å"Almost†¦ â€Å" Rachel's crampons snapped. The metal cleats tore off of her boots and went tumbling backward into the night, bouncing over Corky. The balloon immediately lurched forward, sending Rachel and Tolland fishtailing to one side. Tolland lost his grasp on the clip. â€Å"Shit!† The Mylar balloon, as if angered at having been momentarily restrained, lurched forward now, pulling even harder, dragging them down the glacier toward the sea. Rachel knew they were closing fast on the cliff, although they faced danger even before the hundred-foot drop into the Arctic Ocean. Three huge snow berms stood in their path. Even protected by the padding in the Mark IX suits, the experience of launching at high speed up and over the snow mounds filled her with terror. Fighting in desperation with their harnesses, Rachel tried to find a way to release the balloon. It was then that she heard the rhythmic ticking on the ice-the rapid-fire staccato of lightweight metal on the sheet of bare ice.

Economic Growth And Local Governments - 770 Words

In pursuit of economic growth, local governments in American often encounter the institutional collective action dilemma due to fragmentation of authorities in governance systems and fierce competitions in the context of economic development. City governments have to cooperate with either their neighbor cities or other cities to encourage economic growth. This is because individual city government might be too smaller to reach economies of scale, so that companies might be reluctant to make the investment unless the size of operation could grow to a certain point. And also, some factors of production, such as water or electricity, might not be solely controlled by one city government; pollution problems caused in the process of manufacturing products might not be confronted by only one city government as well. In spite of potential benefits for collective actions, as many studies have indicated, coordination and defection cost would put intergovernmental collaboration at risk(Carr H awkins, 2013). Lack of central authority coordinate with local governments, conflicting goals is rarely to make them enter into mutual agreements. Even as they recognized accepted goals for joint actions, diverse means might be devised by each of them(Feiock, 2013). As city governments compete with each other to provide favorable development policies, their fiscal pressures build up and the probability of policy failure increases(Minkoff, 2013). Under this situation, individual actions taken byShow MoreRelatedLocal Economic Development For The City Of Johannesburg South Africa1428 Words   |  6 Pagesrecommendations for the local economic development for the city of Johannesburg South Africa. 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